Gender in Conflict

This article was external pageoriginally publishedcall_made by external pageEUISScall_made on 27 November 2014.

Violent conflict benefits few and tends to exacerbate the negative consequences of inequalities and marginalisation. The abduction of Nigerian girls by jihadi militia Boko Haram, the systematic rape carried out during the Syrian civil war, and the scores of Yezidi girls married off against their will by Islamic State (IS) in Iraq are some recent arresting examples of violence affecting girls and women.

Women, men and children experience and act differently in the context of violence and post-conflict reconstruction. In order to understand and address the gender-related consequences of conflict, an exclusive focus on sexual violence and the portrayal of girls and women primarily as targets has to be overcome. Such a narrative not only underestimates women’s capabilities for self-help, it can also hinder their empowerment. Just as men can be more than combatants, women can be more than just victims. In conflict, they can be civilians, breadwinners, peacebuilders and, at times, also combatants. By grasping the broad spectrum of women’s roles, a more nuanced understanding can be gained about gender in conflict; and more suitable policy responses adopted accordingly.

Gender in society

The concept of gender refers to the socially and culturally construed roles of women and men in a society. A focus on gender enables an analysis not only of the different roles, but also of the different opportunities that women and men have in a given social setting. Inequality might well be a cause for conflict, but conflict also amplifies inequality. Yet such instability does not necessarily aggravate gender inequality per se. In fact, its transformative impulses can provide room for those disadvantaged by gender roles to renegotiate their identities.

Gender inequality is a global phenomenon. For example, the difference in the rate of female parliamentarians in the first and last 50 countries ranked in the Human Development Index (HDI) is rather minor: 24.4% versus 17.1%, respectively. However, the vast majority of key peace agreements since the early 1990s were signed in relation to conflicts in developing countries, most of which rank considerably lower than developed countries on the UN Development Programme’s (UNDP) Gender Inequality Index (GII). All of the 20 most highly-ranked countries on the GII have ‘very high’ levels of human development, whereas all of the bottom 50 rank in the ‘medium’ or ‘low’ brackets of the HDI.

The participation of women in the political arena is often limited and, in some extreme cases, their rights as citizens are substantially curtailed. What is more, women’s representation varies substantially across policy fields: according to the Inter-Parliamentary Union, women are more likely to hold top positions in socio-cultural ministries rather than in ministries of defence, justice, interior or foreign affairs.

While men tend to dominate paid labour globally, it is women in lower middle income countries in particular who are often confined to specific economic roles without remuneration.

In conflict, social customs can additionally constrict women’s economic opportunities. That being said, the hardship imposed by conflict can necessitate and increase the tolerance for women transcending social customs and expanding their role beyond traditional conceptions.

Women as civilians...

While large parts of populations are affected by violent conflict, they may not necessarily be victimised, i.e. subjected to immediate physical harm. The role of women during the two World Wars (in what was then known as the ‘home front’) was shaped by the demands of the war industry and the vast mobilisation of men to be deployed at the front. This meant that many women took up work in factories and other areas previously considered men’s domains.

During the prevailing intra-state conflicts of the past two decades, civilian women also provided important support structures to warring factions. Voluntary or forced, their assistance can range from lending support to fighters by securing medical care, preparing food, or providing shelter.

War has detrimental effects on a range of services which are often taken for granted. By disrupting food supplies as well as health and education services, violence takes its toll on communities at large. Yet, on account of infant and maternal health, women have particular medical and nutritional needs that are likely to be insufficiently met during times of conflict.

Moreover, armed conflict also impairs social structures. When male breadwinners are absent, women frequently take on new responsibilities in families and communities. At the same time, women’s economic rights tend to be much more limited than those of their male counterparts. Where customs curtail women’s rights to land or property ownership, widows and/or female elders are left on the economic fringe or in a state of dependence when, for instance, the belongings of a deceased male are customarily passed on to his closest male relative. At the same time, women might also venture beyond socially assigned roles when providing for an extended family of surviving dependants.

The socio-economic consequences of conflict also often coerce civilian populations into unconventional markets and marginal work. The combination of various forms of stigma in the labour market and a need to substitute low household incomes means that prostitution often grows rapidly, as does organised crime or human trafficking. Between 2010 and 2012, the EU’s member states worked with 77 different countries on the implementation of policies which are sensitive to the role of gender in security. The EU also helps countries develop and implement national action plans that address awareness and reporting related to gender-based violence.

...victims...

Violence in conflict is itself multifaceted, encompassing political (kidnappings, torture and displacement), economic (robbery, ransom) or social forms (honour killings). Displacement, for instance, affects women, men and children equally in statistical terms, and amplifies the sense of vulnerability amongst those uprooted. Yet, culture and convention also have an impact: an interagency assessment carried out with Syrian refugees in Jordan showed that 40% of women and girls never – or rarely – leave their assigned shelter, as opposed to 28% of boys and 16% of men.

As a result of displacement, economic insecurity, and marred social networks, people’s environments become more unstable, thus increasing the risk of sexual violence. Such violence against women, men and children ranges from cases of rape to forced prostitution, sexual slavery, forced pregnancy and other forms of sexual assault. It is increasingly used as a tactic of warfare that causes sustained harm to communities through psychological trauma and the disintegration of social cohesion. The extent of the problem can be shocking: in the east of the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), 1.3 million women and 760,000 men – out of a population of 5 million in the area– were victims of sexual violence between 1994 and 2010.