South African Arms Supplies to Sub-Saharan Africa
Jan 2011
By Pieter D. Wezeman for SIPRI
Introduction
South Africa aspires to be a major player in the shaping of peace and security in Africa. It is also the only African country with an industrial capability to produce a wide range of military products. This SIPRI Background Paper aims to describe the extent to which South Africa has succeeded in becoming a major supplier of arms to sub-Saharan Africa and why those exports could be of concern.
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The Use of South African Arms in sub-Saharan Africa
Although South African arms supplies to sub-Saharan Africa are small, they can play a significant role in fuelling armed conflicts or human rights abuses in the region. A typical and widely criticized example was the delivery of small arms and other military equipment from South Africa to Rwandan Government security forces in 1992—weapons which were soon after involved in the 1994 Rwandan genocide external page(31). On the other hand, weapons and military equipment can also contribute to stability, for example when they are supplied to peacekeeping forces.
Arms and conflict
The official South African arms export data shows that in the period 2000–2009 arms and military goods were exported to several sub-Saharan countries involved in armed conflict, including Chad in 2008–2009, Rwanda in 2004–2009, Sudan in 2007–2008 and Uganda in 2002–2009. Assessing the impact that these deliveries may have had on conflict in these recipient countries is not possible because it remains unclear what type of equipment was delivered to which end-user, and if and how it was used. For example, concerns could be raised that the delivery to Sudan in 2008 of 64 million rand ($9 million) worth of items related to major weapons could be used by the Sudanese Government in the conflict in Darfur. Concerns could also be raised that the 169 million rand ($24 million) worth of military products supplied to Uganda in 2009 might be used in the war against the Ugandan rebel group the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) or in Ugandan military activities in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. However, it is also possible that the equipment could be essential for Ugandan peacekeepers involved in the African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM) external page(32).
There have been several documented cases of the use of South African supplied arms in human rights abuses in the period 2000–2009. Mamba armoured personnel carriers supplied by a South African company in 2003 were used in September 2009 by Guinean police forces when forcefully dispersing a gathering of people related to those killed during anti-government demonstrations external page(33). Armoured vehicles supplied from South Africa were also used in the violent suppression of demonstrations in Uganda in 2006 external page(34).
The risk that arms supplied to Zimbabwe via or from South Africa could be used in government violence against the opposition is widely debated external page(35). In April 2008 national and international civil society groups and foreign governments criticized the South African Government for allowing a shipment of arms from China to transit through South Africa to Zimbabwe. It was feared that the weapons would be used by Zimbabwean Government forces against the opposition, particularly in relation to the national elections. The South African authorities had provided a permit for the overland transit of the shipment, consisting of 3 million rounds of rifle ammunition, 3224 mortar shells, 31 mortars and 1500 rocket-propelled grenades. The South African Government’s head of communications commented on the matter, stating that ‘We are not in a position to act unilaterally and interfere in a trade deal between the countries’ external page(36). Whereas the government did not stop the transit of the weapons, a South African judge ordered the transit to be stopped after a coalition of civil society groups had applied for the court to do so. Further discussion about arms supplied to Zimbabwe arose when, in the summer of 2009, it became publicly known that the government was deciding about a permit for the export of 2 million rounds of small arms ammunition from South Africa to Zimbabwe external page(37). In July 2009 the South African Government decided to halt all pending arms sales to Zimbabwe after taking into account the political situation in the country external page(38).
In 2010 the South African Government disclosed that in February and March 2009, 5000 units of unspecified riot control equipment worth 2.3 million rand ($316 000) had been delivered from South Africa to Madagascar external page(39). This raised concerns that the equipment might have been used in the March 2009 coup in Madagascar external page(40).
The South African Government does not usually publicly report information on its denials of arms export licences, but based on the available arms export data, South Africa appears to be willing to supply to most sub- Saharan African countries, except Zimbabwe and those under UN arms embargo. This assessment is strengthened by statements made by the NCACC chairman in reaction to the view that the South Africa had allowed the supply of arms to ‘dodgy’ countries, essentially stating that the sales were legitimate because none of the approved recipients were under UN embargo external page(41).
Arms and peacekeeping
Whereas South African arms exports may risk fuelling conflict, in several cases South African weapons have also been used for what can be seen as legitimate defence or contributions to efforts to prevent and end conflicts. This is most clearly illustrated by cases in which weapons have been specifically supplied to actors participating in international peacekeeping operations. For example, AU peacekeeping forces in Darfur received up to 138 armoured vehicles supplied by South African companies in the period 2005–2009 external page(42). Most of these were paid for by Canada and the USA. In another example, a South African company was contracted in 2009 to supply 8 tonnes of ammunition to UN peacekeeping missions in Burundi, Côte d’Ivoire and Liberia external page(43). It has been argued that South African companies could play a greater role in providing African peacekeepers with adequate equipment and related support packages external page(44). However, there is currently no reason to assume that arms exports specifically for peacekeeping will make up the bulk of South African arms exports.
Conclusions
The South African arms industry is by far the largest and most technologically advanced in sub-Saharan Africa. Along with the South African government, the South African arms industry has made attempts to position the country as a key supplier of arms to African countries. However, despite these efforts, South Africa has not become a significant arms exporter to sub-Saharan African states, and its arms exports to sub-Saharan African destinations do not account for a significant share of South African arms exports. Still, concerns remain because even small supplies of arms can have a significant impact in the African context.
Since the end of apartheid in 1994 South Africa has developed export policies, regulations and guidelines aimed at preventing arms exports that could fuel conflict or support human rights abuses. However, doubts persist about the functioning of this system. Like other countries, South Africa still allows questionable arms transfers to zones of conflict and to countries where arms are used in human rights violations. In general, South Africa’s export policy seems to be mainly a matter of abiding by United Nations arms embargoes with few other restrictions. The driving force of South African arms exports to sub-Saharan destinations appears to be maximizing turnover for the industry and earnings from the sale of surplus equipment.
After several years in which the government did not publish arms export reports, in 2010 South Africa returned to a level of public transparency about its arms export policy. Such transparency provides some opportunities for parliamentary and public accountability. Hopefully, recent changes in the legislation will not mean a return to opacity in reporting.
(For more, see SIPRIs’ January 2011 Background Paper, external pageSouth African Arms Supplies to Sub-Saharan Africa, in full)