Women of the Islamic State: The Evolving Role of Women in Jihad

This article was originally featured in the external pageCounter Terrorist Trends and Analysis, Volume 8, Issue 9 (September 2016)call_made, which is published by the external pageS. Rajaratnam School of International Affairs (RSIS)call_made.

The present literature on women’s involvement with jihadi militarist organisations tends to victimise and portray women as instruments of male leadership. However, the emergence of the so-called Islamic State (IS) has challenged this conventional characterisation. Regardless of the strict interpretation of Sharia law, IS has appointed women to positions within a wide range of state institutions and the security forces.  Contrary to previously-held notions, these women remain as ideologically motivated as the men in the organisation, and their participation calls for a renewed look at women’s roles in jihadism.

Introduction

The emergence of the Islamic State (IS) has challenged the conventional perceptions of security practitioners and scholars regarding the role of women in jihadism. Jihadism in its military form is traditionally regarded as―regulated warfare with divine sanction (Encyclopaedia Iranica 2012, 154) or―struggle on behalf of the faith (Scruton 2007, 368). This contrasts fundamentally with the perception of jihad as a ―spiritual struggle which is commonly understood by mainstream Muslims today (Lahoud 2014, 19). In the context of a militarised understanding of jihad, it is widely accepted that classical Islamic sources are not in favour of women in combat roles (Sjoberg & Gentry 2011). Instead, these texts emphasise the importance of women‘s roles as―mother[s], sister[s], daughter[s], and wives of Muslim men at war (Sjoberg & Gentry 2011). These roles are considered as secondary or supportive roles in military jihadism, as they tend to exclude armed combat.

However, unlike other organisations such as Al Qaeda which has a vague and even contradictory opinion on establishing a state and women‘s contribution to it, IS has the clear ambition of establishing a viable caliphate with its own society, economy, military and other state institutions that are inclusive of women. The nature of these goals and ensuring their accomplishment requires women to play a significant organisational role. As such, ―IS has big plans for Muslim women who migrate to their territory to play a key role in building the so-called caliphate (Gardner 2015). Since IS seeks to portray itself as more than just a fighting force and a movement, the role of women in the growth of the state and its sustenance becomes critical (Smith 2015).

For this reason, IS employs women in different state departments and agencies including―the medical department, the educational department and the tax collection department (Gardner 2015). Overall, the diversity of roles that women are assigned within IS challenges the conventional approaches towards studying women in jihadi organisations. In light of the changing roles, this article argues that women‘s roles in jihadi organisations, specifically IS, have evolved from secondary and supportive roles to more primary roles.

The Nature of Women’s Participation in Jihadism

Militant activity is often regarded as a predominantly male preserve. This approach is based upon the broad dichotomy between the public and private spheres, whereby the public sphere includes political and militant activities, traditionally considered suitable for men and unsuitable for women. In comparison, women are relegated to private activities, which include managing the household and peripheral social activities that are largely linked to the household.

However, in light of an increasing number of women participating in violent activities, such as suicide bombings (particularly in the last two decades), the traditional public/private divide is being redefined. This development has also challenged conventional perception regarding militant activity as a masculine characteristic even among highly conservative jihadi organisations. In this regard, it has also been argued that the―growth in women‘s participation is especially evident in Islamic terrorism (PoloniStaudinger & Ortbals 2013, 36).

The evolving roles adopted by women in jihadi organisations can be broadly divided into two categories - supporting and active roles. With respect to supporting roles in jihadi organisations, women are mostly involved in logistical and recruitment activities, such as delivering messages, intelligence gathering and acting as decoys. In terms of active roles, women are involved in executing violent operations (including suicide bombings, shootings and hijackings) and are trained in the use of weapons and the making of explosives. In addition, one of the dominant active roles of women is acting as ideologically-devoted mothers that are ideologising the next generation of jihadists.

Women’s position in Jihadi Organisations: Victims or Agents?

The dominant traditional studies on the relationship between women and militant jihadism tend to portray women as victims of violence. These approaches regard women as tactical tools within the strictly patriarchal structure of the organisation, where their duties are confined to the decisions of the maledominated leadership. Concurrently, they also tend to argue that women’s participation in jihadi activities is linked to male-centric factors, such as avenging the death of a male member of the family. This understanding of women’s position denies their agency and ability to make informed decisions regarding joining jihadi organisations. Here, agency is defined as individual actors having the capacity to process social experiences and devise ways of coping with life (Sjoberg & Gentry 2007).

A similar pattern in denying women‘s agency may be observed when studying suicide bombings. According to Liz Sage (2013),―while the male suicide bomber is read as making a political or ideological stand for the group to which he is attached, the female suicide bomber is read as engaging in suicide bombing because her personal life has made her suicidal. Again, viewing women‘s involvement in suicide bombing as ‘personal’ denies them agency and rejects the criticality of their roles.

This stereotyping inaccurately tends to generalise women as tactical tools, while consequently marginalising their agency. In comparison, research conducted by the Centre on Global Counterterrorism Cooperation (2012) argues that women are active as―ideologues and supporters of violent extremism‖ in several jihadi organisations, including Palestinian and Iraqi groups. Further, a growing body of literature, including Fink’s (2010) study of women’s active involvement in promoting and supporting jihadi organisations in Bangladesh, utilises empirical evidence to suggest that women possess agency in jihadi organisations. Moreover, Farhana Qazi (2011) studies female terrorists and demonstrates that―a complicated combination of history and culture weigh into women’s decisions to be a part of terrorist organisations. These categories of analysis indicate that women have an active choice in deciding whether to join a jihadi organisation. This also suggests that conventional stereotypes of women’s position in jihadi organisations as victims lacking agency are unable to offer a holistic view of women’s roles. As jihadi organisations such as IS continue to recruit more women in larger roles, their level of agency also rises subsequently. 

The Women of the Islamic State

Unlike its predecessor Al Qaeda, IS has the ambition of establishing a sustainable caliphate, which is essentially a state with a working system of governance. Beyond the male and female membership, a caliphate also comprises economic, military and other state institutions. According to the Middle East Monitor (2014), women comprise approximately 10 per cent of the total number of IS’ foreign fighters and play a significant role in ensuring the normal functioning of the state and its institutions. In light of their indispensability to the group, IS engages women in different state departments and agencies including the medical, educational and tax collection departments (Gardner 2015). The sections below will focus on the prominent roles women are assigned to by IS, that include but are not limited to their traditional roles as mothers.

Schools for Women as Mothers

Since IS considers itself to be a newly established state, the entity has a long-term plan for educating the next generation of its citizens or jihadists. Owing to the urgency of preparing the next generation of the caliphate, the women of IS today are regarded as the mothers of tomorrow. For this reason, IS has established its first female finishing school, Al-Zawra, that seeks to create a generation of ideologically-motivated mothers. According to the mission statement of the school, it provides education and training for women―interested in explosive belts and suicide bombings more than a white dress or a castle or clothing or furniture (Haaretz 2014). In addition, the school also offers a wide range of training courses on domestic work, first aid, Islam and Sharia law, use of weaponry, social media and computer programmes (Kulze 2014).

Even though there were recent reports on the closure of girls’ schools, many remain open in IS territories albeit with severe restrictions imposed. Schools are completely segregated, and women instructors are in charge of girls’ education. Moreover, it is compulsory for the female students and teachers to obey the dress code of niqab (veil for the face) and body covering. Certain reports also mention that it is obligatory for female teachers to undergo a ‘legitimacy course’ (focusing on the religious and ideological leanings of IS), with subjects such as science, sports and philosophy banned from the curriculum (Platt 2014). All these harsh measurements ensure the creation of a generation of mothers dedicated to IS ideology, working towards raising and giving birth to the next generation of jihadi citizens and fighters. 

Women as Healthcare Providers

IS also utilises women in the health sector within its controlled territories. As IS advocates intense gender segregation policies, female doctors and nurses are a necessity and located in an isolated section of hospitals to attend to female patients. Multiple reports have also affirmed the appointment of women in such roles, with general hospitals in main cities of IS territories possessing gender segregated units. As such, IS centrally controls the distribution of female healthcare personnel throughout its territories. Some of these doctors and nurses are reported to be stationed at a medical faculty next to the Raqqa National hospital while others have been dispatched close to Aleppo and Menbij’s National Hospital, located 12 miles from the Turkish border (Spencer 2016). 

As IS believes in a supra-nationalist approach towards state building, a global call for women to join IS has been made consistently. Following such efforts, a number of female doctors, including Shams from Malaysia and Nada Sami Kader from Britain, migrated to IS territories and joined the healthcare system. Even though IS has made it permissible for women to work as doctors, they are still required to follow the restrictions put forth by IS’ Sharia law. This includes the standard dress codes and strict restraint on night shifts at hospitals and treating male patients.

Women as Combatants

IS also assigns women roles within the security and military apparatus of the so-called caliphate. Shortly after the establishment of IS, the group announced the formation of the Al-Khansaa Brigade, a women-only vigilante force that patrols cities like Raqqa and Mosul while enforcing strict Islamist rule (Gardner 2015). Women from the Al-Khansaa Brigade are very brutal towards those who violate the rules, and use violent tactics to stifle dissent. The members of this brigade, who are selected mainly from citizens of Middle Eastern states, undergo military and police training for several weeks before starting their missions. The women also serve at checkpoints in order to ensure other women are not smuggling arms across the borders (Smith 2015).

Aside from their deployment in moral policing units, recent reports also indicate that IS has made its first recorded attempt to bring women to the frontlines, alongside the men, in Libya. In March 2016, it was reported that several female members of IS were killed, while fighting alongside men in the Libyan city, Sabratha (Webb 2016). There are more than a thousand IS female members currently in Libya and out of this number, it is estimated that more than a hundred are fighting on the frontlines after three weeks training in the use of weapons (Mirror 2016). The involvement of women as fighters in IS ranks predominantly contrasts with the approaches of studying women in jihadi organisations that tend to portray them as tactical tools at the hands of men rather than active members in combat.

Women and the Call to Hijrah

IS emphasises on the act of hijrah (migration for the cause of God), calling both Muslim men and women to travel to Iraq and Syria and become a part of the caliphate. As such, IS provides women who are alienated and ostracised for their religious beliefs and practices in western countries, an environment that is conducive to Islamist practices. Thus, while placing importance on women making hijrah, IS is enabling them to become active members of the society. For these women, IS’ ‘Islamic state’ could possibly offer an escape from a country where their equality with the ‘other’ is dependent upon forsaking their religious beliefs or practices (Zakaria 2015).

Conclusion

Despite the restrictions placed on women and the presence of their traditional roles as mothers, their expansive involvement within IS demonstrates a deviation from roles within other jihadi groups in the past. Thus, the traditional understanding of women’s participation in jihadi organisations as being restricted to mere secondary roles is challenged by IS. Like any other group in charge of a state or territory, IS is using women in larger and more significant functions. In addition, the informed involvement of women with diverse capacities under IS challenges the conventional understanding of women‘s engagement with jihadi organisations as victims. In light of these developments, it is simplistic and even misleading to consider women who join IS as just victims or jihadi brides. It is imperative to note that these women possess ideological motivations similar to their male counterparts that encapsulate their rationale for participation in IS. Lastly, the criticality of women to IS functioning also necessitates a fresh look at the male-dominated approach in counter-terrorism.

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About the Author

Hamoon Khelghat-Doost is a PhD scholar at the Department of Political Science at National University of Singapore (NUS) and a recipient of the NUS Research Scholarship. His research focuses on the role of gender in political violence in the Middle East.

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